For much of the past three decades, education reform rested on a surprisingly durable bipartisan foundation, from the standards and accountability movement of the late 1990s and early 2000s through No Child Left Behind and into the Obama-era push for more rigorous teacher evaluations. That consensus was never without tension, but it held long enough to engender significant progress. Over time, however, it began to wear down, arguably reaching its last gasp in Washington with the passage of the Every Student Succeeds Act. What followed was a mix of reform fatigue, rising polarization, and declining confidence in testing and accountability mechanisms, alongside a broader shift away from technocratic problem-solving. As that consensus frayed, so too did the assumptions that had long governed who should control what in public education.
The erosion of that confidence is visible in public opinion data. In the early 1970s, nearly two-thirds of Americans, across party lines, reported having “a great deal” or “quite a lot” of confidence in public schools. Fast forward to today, that figure has fallen to less than one-third overall, with confidence declining sharply in both parties, especially among Republicans. What has followed is not a clean ideological reversal, but something more fragmented and harder to categorize—one that is increasingly visible in debates over local control. The familiar lines that once structured education policy—between state and local authority—have blurred, and the red-blue divide on local control has begun to shift in a couple of unexpected ways.
First, the traditional red-blue roles around local control no longer map neatly onto today’s reality. Historically, red states prioritized local autonomy, framing it as a defense against state and federal overreach. That commitment has become far more selective. Several red states have taken a more prescriptive approach to schooling, from requiring the display of the Ten Commandments in classrooms to using funding incentives and state-vetted lists to steer districts toward preferred instructional materials. At the same time, many blue states now default to a posture of deferencetoward schools and districts, often reinforcing the influence of teachers unions.